C> immediate Emancipation a War Measure! 

S P EECH 

OF 

HON, CHARLES SUMNER, 

OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



THE BILL PEOVIDING FOE EMANCIPATION IN 

MISSOUEI. 

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY 12Tn, 18G3. 



Mr. SUMNER. Mr. President, if I speak 

tardilj- in tliio <lcLate I liope for the indul- 
gence of the Senate. Had I Leen able to 
speak earlier I should have spoken ; but, 
though present in the Chamber, and voting 
when this subject was under consideration 
formerlj, I was at the time too much of an 
invalid to take an active part in the pi'o 
ceedings. In justice to myself and to the 
great question under consideration I can- 
not be silent. 

I have already voted to give $20, 000, 000 
to Missouri, in order to secure freedom at 
once to her slaves and to make her at once 
a free State. I am ready to vote more, if 
more be needed for this purpose ; but I 
will not vote money to be sunk and lost in 
an uncertain scheme of prospective eman- 
cipation, where freedom is a jack-o'-lan- 
tern, and the only certainty is to be found 
in the congressional appropriation. For 
money paid down, freedom, too, must be 
paid down. 

Notwithstanding all differences of opin- 
ion on this important question, there is 
much occasion for congratulation in the 
progress that has been made. 

There is one point on which the Senate 
is substantially united. A large majority 
will vote for emancipation. This is much, 
both as a sign of the present and a proph- 
ecy for the future. A large majority, in the 
name of Congress, will offer pecuniary aid 
to this object. This is a further sign and 
prophecy. Such a vote, and such an ap- 
propriation, will constitute an epoch. Only 
a few short years ago the very mention of 
slavery in Congress was forbidden, and all 
discussion of it was stifled. Now, emanci- 
pation is an accepted watchword, while 
slavery is openly denounced as a guilty 
thing worthy of death. 

It is admitted that now, under the exi- 
gency of war, tlie United States' ought to 
co-operate with any State in the abolition ,, 
of slavery, giving to it pecuniary aid ; and ['[ 



it is proposed to apply this principle prac- 
tically in Missouri. It was fit that eman- 
cipation, destined to end the rebellion, 
should first begin in South Carolina, where 
the rebellion first began. It is also fit that 
the action of Congress in behalf of emanci- 



which, through the faint-hearted remiss- 
ness of Congress, as late as 1820, was 
opened to slavery. Had Congress at that 
time firmly insisted that Missouri, on en- 
tering the Union, should be a free State, 
the vast appropriation now proposed would 
have been saved ; and, better still, this 
vaster civil war would have been preven- 
ted. The whole country is now paying 
with treasure and blood for that fatal sur- 
render. Alas ! that men should forget that 
G-od is bound by no compromise, and that, 
sooner or later. He will insist that justice 
shall be done. There is not a dollar spent, 
and not a life sacrificed, in this calamitous 
war, which does not plead against any rep- 
etition of that wicked folly. Blasted Ix- 
the tongue which sj)eaks of compromise 
with slavery ! 

But, though happily compromise is no 
longer openly proposed, yet it insinuat(i.s 
itself in this debate. In former times it 
took the form of bare-faced concession to 
slavery, as in the admission of Missouri as 
a slave State ; the annexation of Texas as 
a slave State ; the waiver of the })rohib:- 
tion of slavery in the Territories ; the atro- 
cious bill for the re-enslaveineet of fugi- 
tives ; and the opening of Kansas to sla- 
j very, first by tlie Kansas bill, and then by 
; the Lecompton constitution. In each of 
these cases there was a concession to sla- 
very which history now records with shame. 
; but it was by this that your wicked slave- 
. holding conspiracy waxed confident and 
I strong, till at last it was ripe for war. 
j And now it is proposed, as an agency iii 
the suppression of the rebellion, to put an 
end to slavery, By proclamation of the 



President all the slaves in certain States, 
and deeignated parts of States, are declared 
to be free. Of course this i3roclamation is 
a war measure, rendered just and neces- 
sary by the exigencies of war. As such it 
is summary and instant in its operation ; 
not prospective or procrastinating. A 
proclamation of prospective emancipation 
would have been an absurdity ; like a 
proclamation of prospective battle, where 
not a blow was to be struck, or a cannon 
pointed, before 187(3, unless, meanwhile, 
the enemy desired it. What is done in 
war must be done promptly, except, per- 
haps, under the policy of defense. Gradu- 
alism is delay ; and delay is the betrayal 
of victory. If you would be triumphant, 
strike quickly. Let your blows be felt at 
once, without notice or premonition ; and 
especially without time for resistance or 
debate. ' Time always deserts those who do 
not appreciate its value. Strike promptly, 
and time becomes your invaluable ally. 
Strike slowly, gradually, prospectively, 
and time goes over to the enemy. 

But every argument for the instant ope- 
ration of the proclamation ; every consid- 
eration in favor of dispatch in war, is esi3e- 
cially applicable to all that is done by Con- 
gress as a war measure. In a period of 
peace, Congress might fitly consider 
whether emancipation should be immedi- 
ate or prospective, and we might listen 
with patience to the instances adduced by 
the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. Doolit- 
tle] in favor of delay ; to the case of 
Pennsylvania and to the case of New York, 
where slaves were tardily admitted to 
their l)irthright. Such arguments, though 
to my judgment of little value at anytime, 
would then be legitimate. But now, when 
we are considering how to put down the 
rebellion, they are not even legitimate. 
There is but one way to put down the re- 
bellion, and that is instant action ; and all 
that is done, Avhethei in the field, in the 
Cabinet, or in Conress, must partake of 
this character. Whatever is postponed 
for twenty years, or ten years, may seem 
to be abstractly politic or wise ; but it is 
in no sense a war measure, nor can it con- 
tribute essentially to the suppression of 
the rebellion. 

Now, I think that I may assume, with- 
out contradiction, that the proposed tender 
of money to Missouri for the sake of eman- 
cipation is a war measure, to be vindicated 
as such under the Constitution of the 
United States. It is also an act of justice 
to an oppressed race ; but it is not in this 
uncjuestionable character that it is now 
commended to Congress. If it were urged 
on no other ground, even if every consid- 
eration of philanthropy and of religion 
pleaded for it with rarest eloquence, I fear 



that it would stand but little chance in 
either House of Congress. Let us not dis- 
guise the truth. Except as a war meas- 
ure, in order to aid in putting down the 
rebellion, this proposition would find little 
hospitality here. Senators are ready to 
vote money — as the British Parliament 
voted subsidies — in order to supply the 
place of soldiers, or to remove a strong- 
hold of the rebellion ; all of which is done 
by emancipation. I do not overstate the 
case. Slavery is a stronghold of the re- 
bellion, which, through emancipation, will 
be removed, while every slave and every 
slave-master will become an ally of the 
Government. Therefore emancipation is a 
war measure, as constitutional as the rais- 
ing of armies or the occupation of a hostile 
territory. 

\But in vindicating emancipation as a 
war measure, we must sue Lliat U is made 
under such conditions as to exercise a 
present, instant iufiuence against the re- 
bellion. It must be immediate, not pros- 
pective. In prox:)Osing prospective eman- 
cipation you propose a measure which can 
have little or no infiuence on the war. — 
Senators abstractly may prefer that eman- 
cipation should be prospective rather than 
immediate ; but this is not the time for the 
exercise of any such abstract preference. 
Whatever is done as a war measure must 
be immediate, or it will cease to have this 
character. If made prospective, it will 
not be a war measure, whatever you may 
call it. 

If I am correct in this statement — and I 
do not see how it can be questioned — then 
is the appropriation for immediate emanci- 
pation just and proper under the Consti- 
tution, while that for prospective eman- 
cipation is without any sanction, except 
what it may find in the sentiments of jus- 
tice and humanity. 

It is proposed to vote $10,000,000 of 
money to promote emancipation ten years 
from now. Perhaps I am sanguine, but I 
cannot doubt that before the expiration of 
that period slavery will die in Missouri 
under the awakened judgment of the peo- 
ple, even without the action of Congress. 
If our resources were infinite, we might 
tender this large sum by way of experi- 
ment ; but with a Treasury drained to the 
bottom, and with a debt accumulating in 
fabulous proportions, I do not understand 
how we can vote millions, whicli, in the 
first place, will be of little or no service in 
the suppression of the rebellion, and, in 
the second place, which will be simply a 
largess in no way essential to the sub- 
version of slavery. 

Whatever is given for immediate eman- 
cipation is given for the national defense, 
and for the safety and glory of the Repub- 



lie. It will be a blow at the rebellion.— 
Whatever is given for prospective emanci- 
pation will be a gratuity to slaveholders 
and a tribute to slavery. Pardon me if I 
repeat what I have already said in this de- 
bate, "millions for defense, but not a cent 
for tribute:" millions for defense against 
peril from whatever quarter it may come ; 
but not a cent for tribute in any quarter, 
especially not a cent for tribute to the 
loathsome tyranny of slavery. 

I know it is sometimes said that even 
prospective emancipation will help to 
weaken the rebellion. That it will impair 
the confidence in slavery and also its value, 
I cannot doubt ; but it is equally clear that 
it will leave slavery still alive and on its 
legs, and just so long as this is the case 
there must be controversy and debate with 
attending weakness; while reaction will 
l^erpetn ally lift its crest. Instead of tran- 
quility, which we all seek for Missouri, we 
shall have contention. Instead of peace 
we shall have prolonged war. Every year's 
delay, ay, sir, every week's delay in deal- 
ing death to slavery leaves just so much 
of opportunity to the rebellion; for so 
long as slavery is allowed to exist in Mis- 
souri the rebellion will still struggle, not 
without hope for its ancient mastery. But 
let slavery cease at once and all this will 
be changed. There Avill be no room for 
controversy or debate with its attending 
weakness, nor can reaction lift its crest. — 
There will be no opportunity to the re- 
bellion, which must cease all efforts there, 
when Missouri can no longer be a slave 
State. Freedom will become our watchful, 
generous, and invincible ally, while the 
well-being, the happiness, the repose, and 
the renown of Missouri will be established 
forever. 

Thus far, sir, I have presented the argu- 
ment on grounds peculiar to this case ; 
and here I might stop. Having shown 
that, as a military necessity, and for the 
sake of that economy which it is our duty 
to cultivate, emancipation must be imme- 
diate, I need not go further ; but I do not 
content myself here. The whole question 
is open V)Gtwef>.n immediate emancipation 
and prosx^ective emancipation ; or, in other 
woi'ds, between doing right at once and 
doing it at some distant future day. Pro- 
crastination is the thief not only of time, 
but of virtue itself. But such is the na- 
ture of man that he is disposed always to 
delay, so that he does nothing to-day 
which he can put off till to-morrow. Per- 
haps in no single matter has this disposi- 
tion been more apparent than with regard 
to slavery. Every consideration of hu- 
manity, justice, religion, reason, common 
sense, and histor}^, all demanded the in- 
stant cessation of an intolerable wrong, 
without procrastination or delay. But hu- 



man nature would not yield ; nnd we have 
been driven to argue the queestion whether 
an outrage, asserting property in man, de- 
nying the conjugal relation, annulling the 
parental relation, shutting out human im- 
provement, and robbing its victim of all 
the fruits of his industry— the whole, 
in order to compel work without wages — 
should be stopped instantly or gradually. 
It is only when we regard slavery in its 
essential elements, and look at its unut- 
terabh^ and unquestionable atrocity, that 
we can full}' comprehend the mingled folly 
and wickedness of this question. If it 
were merely a question of economy, or a 
question of policy, then the Senate might 
properly debate whether the change should 
be instant or gradual; but considerations 
of economy and policy are all absorbed in 
the higher claims of justice and humanity. 
There is no question whether justice and 
humanity shall be immediate or gradual. 
Men are to cease at once from wrong do- 
ing ; they are to obey the Ten Command- 
ments instantly and not gradually. 

Senators who argue for prospective 
emancipation, show themselves insensible 
to the true character of slavery, or insen- 
sible to the requirements of reason. One 
or the other of these alternatives must be 
accepted. 

Shall property in man be disowned im- 
mediately or only prospectively ? Reason 
i answers immediately. 
j Shall the conj ugal relation be maintained 
j immdiately or only prospectively ? Rea- 
j son recoils from the wicked absurdity of 
the inquiry. 

Shall the parental relation be recognized 
immediately or only prospectively ? Rea- 
son is indignant at the question. 

Shall the opportunities of knowledge, 
including the right to read the Book of 
Life, be opened immediately or prospec- 
tively ? Reason brands the idea of delay 
as impious. 

Shall the fruits of his own industry be 
given to a man immediately or prospec- 
tively ? Reason insists that every man 
shall have his own without postpone- 
ment. 

And history, thank God! speaking by 
examples, testifies in conformity with rea- 
son. The conclusion is irresistible. If 
you would contribute to the strength and 
glory of the United States ; if you would 
bless Missouri ; if you would benefit the 
slave-master ; if you would elevate the 
slave ; and still further, if you would af- 
ford an example which shall fortify and 
sanctify the Republic, making it at once 
citadel and temple, do not put off the day 
of freedom. In this case, more than in 
any other, he gives twice who quickly 
gives. 



HEXKT POLKmHORN, PKINTBE, D STEEBT, BBTWEBW 6tH AFD 7tH. 



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